Zelensky in Munich: "Putin Seems to Have the Greatest Influence Over NATO"

In his address at the Munich Security Conference (MSC), Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky issued a stark warning about Vladimir Putin's unsettling influence within NATO, despite the alliance's efforts. "While Ukraine's entry into NATO isn't off the table, it seems right now that Putin holds the most sway," Zelensky remarked, using irony to highlight how NATO's actions appear swayed by Kremlin policies since Donald Trump became the U.S. president.

The unusually close rapport between the current White House occupant and the Kremlin leader has raised alarms following discussions between the two leaders aimed at halting Putin's aggression towards Ukraine. Trump's authoritarian demeanor towards Zelensky has been evident in statements and actions that have shaken the very foundations of the Atlantic Alliance, leaving Europe and Ukraine on the sidelines and raising concerns about the mutual security commitment implied by NATO's Article 5.

Zelensky urged Europe to take charge of its defense and security, emphasizing the need for the continent to strengthen without relying solely on the United States. "Europe must decide its own future with confidence in its strength, ensuring that others have no choice but to respect its power," he insisted.

The Ukrainian leader also condemned a recent Russian drone attack on the sarcophagus covering the fourth reactor of the Chernobyl nuclear plant, labeling it a "deeply symbolic gesture" by Moscow. Additionally, he warned of Russia's intensified militarization in Belarus under the guise of military exercises, which could threaten not only Ukraine but also European security as a whole. "Belarus borders three NATO countries and has become a Russian military stronghold," he cautioned, pointing to the increasing presence of banned weaponry in that region.

Strengthening Europe's Defense

In his speech, Zelensky advocated for the establishment of "European Armed Forces" to bolster continental security and allow Europe to become an equal partner within NATO. "Without a European army, this is impossible," he asserted, noting that U.S. leadership in the transatlantic alliance might shift and Europe needs to be ready to take charge of its own defense.

Concluding his address, Zelensky called for immediate action to solidify European unity, enhance the continent's defense industry, and ensure that Europe's security is determined within its borders, not by external forces. "European policymaking should not only be promising but should motivate the U.S. to support a strong Europe," he concluded.

Geopolitical Tensions and International Negotiations

Zelensky's statements come at a critical juncture in international politics, amid escalating tensions between Russia, Ukraine, and Western powers. Trump's conversations with Russian President Vladimir Putin have sparked concerns in Europe about potential bilateral deals that may overlook Ukrainian and European interests.

Since the large-scale war began in 2022, the international community has backed Ukraine with sanctions against Russia, arms shipments, and financial support. However, uncertainty over the U.S.'s future commitment to Europe and NATO has prompted leaders like Zelensky to stress the need for greater defense and security autonomy.

The militarization of Belarus and Russia's persistent use of drones and missiles bolster fears of a conflict escalation. Furthermore, Moscow's announcement of creating 15 new military divisions and the increasing deployment of foreign troops, including North Korean fighters, have heightened alerts in European capitals.

In this context, Zelensky's proposal to strengthen European security through a joint military force addresses the need to ensure the continent's stability without relying entirely on Washington's support. His call for unity and decision-making within Europe underscores the importance of acting swiftly before geopolitical dynamics change irreversibly.

For its significance, CiberCuba shares the full text of Zelensky's address at the MSC:

During the Munich Security Conference, I emphasized that European policy should not just be promising but should make the U.S. want to support a strong Europe. Europe must decide its own future with confidence in its strength, ensuring others have no choice but to respect its power.

The night before Munich, a Russian drone attacked the sarcophagus covering the fourth reactor of the Chernobyl nuclear plant. It was a Shahed drone, modified by Russia with Iranian technology, carrying at least 50 kg of explosives. We consider this a deeply symbolic gesture by Russia. Recently in Ukraine, we discussed nuclear energy as a crucial factor for energy security despite Russia's constant attacks. We are preparing to expand the Khmelnytskyi nuclear plant with the participation of American companies, including Westinghouse. This will reinforce not only Ukraine's energy security but also that of all Europe.

We also spoke with President Trump and his team about the Zaporizhia nuclear plant, Europe's largest, currently occupied by Russia. And what was Russia's response? A drone attack on the Chernobyl sarcophagus, containing radioactive dust and debris.

This isn't madness; it's Russia's stance. A country launching such attacks doesn't seek peace, nor does it prepare for dialogue. Almost daily, Russia sends up to 100 Shahed drones, in addition to ballistic missile strikes and an increasing number of aerial bomb attacks. But that's not all.

This year, Moscow plans to create 15 new divisions, totaling 150,000 soldiers, more than most European countries' entire armies. Russia opens new military recruitment centers weekly, and Putin can afford it: oil prices remain high enough for him to ignore the world.

We have clear information: this summer, Russia plans to send troops to Belarus under the pretext of "training exercises." This is exactly how they organized forces before the large-scale invasion of Ukraine. Is this Russian force intended to attack Ukraine? Maybe. Or perhaps... it's aimed at you.

Let's not forget: Belarus borders three NATO countries and has become a Russian military bastion. Putin and Lukashenko admit that Belarus now hosts prohibited weapons: medium-range missiles and even nuclear arms. Putin sees Belarus as another Russian province.

If someone is preparing a military launchpad, what should we do about it? More importantly, what can we do before the next attack? There have already been provocations at the Polish and Lithuanian borders, using migrant crises orchestrated by Russian intelligence to sow chaos. But what if next time it's not migrants? What if it's Russian or North Korean troops?

Let's not deceive ourselves: North Koreans aren't weak. They're learning to fight in modern warfare. What about your armies? Are they prepared? If Russia launches a false flag operation or invades from Belarus (as it did in Crimea in 2014), how quickly will allies respond? Will they respond?

Yesterday, here in Munich, the U.S. Vice President made it clear: the old relationship between Europe and the U.S. is ending. From now on, things will be different, and Europe needs to adapt.

I believe in Europe. And you must too. I urge everyone to act, for your own good, for Europe's good, for your people, your homes, your children, and our shared future. To do this, Europe must become self-reliant, united by a common force, Ukrainian and European.

Currently, Ukraine's army, supported by international aid, is holding Russia back. But if we don't stop them, who will? Let's be honest: we can't rule out the possibility of the U.S. saying "no" to Europe on issues that directly threaten it.

Many leaders have spoken about Europe's need for its own army, a European Army. I believe the time has come. We must create the European Armed Forces. This isn't more difficult than standing firm against Russian attacks, as we've already done. But it's not just about increasing defense spending relative to GDP.

Money is necessary, but money alone won't stop an enemy attack. Weapons and trained soldiers aren't free, but it's not just about budgets. It's about people realizing the need to defend their own homes.

Without Ukraine's army, European armies alone won't be enough to stop Russia. Only our army in Europe has real, modern battlefield experience. But our army alone isn't enough. We need what you can provide: weapons, training, sanctions, financing, political pressure, and unity.

Three years of large-scale war have shown we already have the foundations for a united European military force. Now, as we fight this war and lay the groundwork for peace and security, we must build the European Armed Forces. So that Europe's future depends solely on Europeans and decisions about Europe are made in Europe.

That's why we're talking with European leaders and the United States about military contingents that can guarantee peace, not just in Ukraine but across Europe. That's why we're developing joint weapons production, especially drones.

The Danish model of joint investments for weapons production in Ukraine is already working, and it's doing well. Just last year, thanks to Ukraine's efforts and its partners, we produced over 1.5 million drones of various types. Ukraine is now the world leader in drone warfare. This is our success, but it's also your success.

Everything we build for our own defense also strengthens our security. The same should apply to artillery, air defense, and armored vehicles. Everything needed to protect lives in modern warfare should be produced entirely in Europe.

Europe has everything it needs. It just needs to unite and act, so no one can say "no," give orders, or treat it as an easy prey. It's not just about stockpiling weapons but also creating jobs, technological leadership, and economic strength for Europe.

Last fall, in my Victory Plan, I proposed replacing part of the U.S. military presence in Europe with Ukrainian forces (if Ukraine is in NATO). If the U.S. reduces its presence, it's dangerous, but Europe must be prepared. I raised this even before the U.S. elections, seeing where U.S. policy was heading. But the U.S. must also see where Europe is headed.

This orientation of European policy should not only be promising but should make the U.S. want to support a strong Europe. Europe must decide its own future. We need to have confidence in our own strength so others have no choice but to respect Europe's power. Without a European army, that's impossible.

It's not about replacing NATO but ensuring Europe's contribution to our partnership is equal to that of the U.S. We need the same approach in diplomacy: working together for peace. Ukraine will never accept agreements made behind our backs without our participation. The same rule should apply to all of Europe.

Decisions about Ukraine cannot be made without Ukraine. Decisions about Europe cannot be made without Europe. Europe must have a place at the table when decisions about its future are made; anything else is nothing. If we're left out of negotiations about our own future, we all lose.

Look at what Putin is trying to do. This is his game. He wants face-to-face talks with the U.S., like before the war, when they met in Switzerland and seemed on the verge of dividing the world. Afterward, he'll try to get the U.S. president to appear at Red Square on May 9, not as a respected leader but as a supporting element in his performance.

We don't need that. We need real success. Real peace. Some in Europe may not fully understand what's happening in Washington right now. But let's focus on understanding ourselves, right here in Europe. We must first give strength to Europe.

Does the U.S. need Europe? As a market, yes. But as an ally? For the answer to be "yes," Europe must have a single voice, not a dozen different voices. Even those who regularly visit Mar-a-Lago must be part of a strong Europe, because President Trump doesn't like weak friends. He respects strength.

Some in Europe may feel frustrated with Brussels, but let's be clear: if it's not Brussels, it will be Moscow. That's geopolitics, it's history. Moscow will tear Europe apart if we, as Europeans, don't trust each other.

A few days ago, President Trump told me about his conversation with Putin. Not once did he mention that the U.S. needs Europe at that table. That says a lot. The old days are gone when the U.S. supported Europe simply because it always had.

President Trump once said, "What matters is not the family you're born into but the one you form." We must build the closest possible relationship with the U.S., a new relationship, but as Europeans, not just as separate nations. That's why we need a unified foreign policy, coordinated diplomacy, the foreign policy of a common Europe. And the end of this war must be our first shared success in this new reality.

We're already working to ensure that on February 24, the third anniversary of the large-scale Russian invasion, we can meet in Kiev and online. All European leaders. All key partners defending our security. From Spain to Finland. From Great Britain to Poland. From Washington to Tokyo.

This meeting must offer a clear vision of the next steps we will take in peace, security guarantees, and the future of our collective policy. I don't believe in security guarantees without the U.S.: they will be weak, but the U.S. won't offer guarantees unless Europe's own guarantees are strong.

I'm also not ruling out Ukraine's entry into NATO, but right now, the most influential member of NATO seems to be Putin, because his whims have the power to block NATO decisions, even though it was Ukraine's army that stopped Russia, not a NATO country, nor NATO troops, but only our people and our army.

In this war, no foreign armies are fighting alongside Ukraine, but Putin has lost nearly 250,000 soldiers and more than 610,000 have been wounded. In the Battle of Kursk alone, our troops eliminated almost 20,000 Russian soldiers. We completely destroyed the North Korean units Putin had to bring in because his own forces weren't enough to contain our counteroffensive.

For over six months, Ukrainians have held their ground in Russian territory, even though Russia wanted to create a "buffer zone" within our territory. I'm proud of Ukraine and our people, but I ask each of you to answer honestly: if Russia came for you, could your army fight the same way?

I don't want anyone to ever have to find out. That's why we're talking about security guarantees. That's why we believe the core of any security guarantee for Ukraine must be NATO membership. Or, if not that, then conditions that allow us to build another NATO, right here in Ukraine.

At some point, there will be a boundary between war and peace. Where that boundary is drawn and how firm it is depends on us. Ukraine's eastern border, Belarus's eastern border, the Baltic states' eastern borders, Finland's eastern border. That's the firmest security line for all of us in Europe because it's the line of international law.

Do we still remember what international law is? Let's be honest, the phrase "international law" already sounds a bit outdated. But I believe Europe's mission is to ensure that international law remains important.

What security guarantees can Putin offer? Before the war, many doubted Ukraine's institutions could withstand Russian pressure. But, in the end, it was Putin who faced an armed rebellion from within. He was the one who had to defend his own capital from his own warlords. That alone shows his weakness.

What will happen to the million Russian soldiers currently fighting in Ukraine? Where will they fight if not in Ukraine? We cannot accept a ceasefire without real security guarantees, without pressuring Russia, without a system that keeps Russia in check.

To fight us, Putin has pulled troops from Syria, Africa, the Caucasus, and even some part of Moldova. Right now, he's facing a shortage of combat forces. If this war ends poorly, he'll have a surplus of battle-hardened soldiers who know nothing but killing and looting.

This is yet another reason why this war cannot be decided by a few leaders, not by Trump and Putin, not by me and Putin, not by anyone sitting here in Munich having a solo conversation with Putin. We must exert pressure together to achieve a true peace.

Putin cannot offer real security guarantees. Not only because he's a liar but because Russia, in its current state, needs war to maintain power. And the world must be protected from that.

What is needed? European Armed Forces as an enhancement of NATO. A common European foreign policy. A level of European cooperation that Washington must take seriously. International law. Keeping all pressure on Russia, because that pressure is what guarantees peace, not Putin's words, not just some papers.

Putin lies. He's predictable and weak. We must seize that opportunity, now, not later. We must act as Europe, not as separate individuals. Some say the new year doesn't start on January 1 but with the Munich Security Conference. This new year starts now: let it be the year of Europe. United, strong, secure, and at peace. Peace for Ukraine, Europe, and the entire world.